<\/strong>At the outset of the first Gulf War, then-Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney imposed a ban on photographs and broadcast coverage of the arrival of war casualties at Dover Air Force Base [Delaware]. The media blackout lasted 18 years, until, in February 2009, President Obama ended it.<\/p>\n That\u2019s a change worth remembering. The Obama administration\u2019s move restores press access to the honor ceremonies that accompany the arrivals, which had been the practice from World War II through the Panama invasion of 1989.<\/p>\n The media blackout started during George H.W. Bush\u2019s presidency, continued through the Clinton years, and extended through Bush II [with a few exceptions, mostly implemented for political\/pr reasons.]\u00a0 Bush I spun the blackout as a way to shield grieving families from media glare. Critics saw it as a way to hide the human cost of war.<\/p>\n The family-protection argument\u2014while having some shred of plausibility\u2014was weak from the beginning, and to most observers it was a thinly veiled attempt to limit the public-relations damage that could result from recurring images of flag-draped coffins. \u00a0In addition, say some, Bush I didn\u2019t want public opinion to shift away from supporting Gulf War I\u2014which was supposed to be high-tech, precise and possibly even bloodless\u2014by seeing evidence contradicting that propaganda. One purported genesis of the ban<\/a> took place earlier, during the 1989 invasion of Panama: During a press conference, George H.W. was embarrassed when\u2014as he spoke\u2014all three major television networks went into split-screen mode, simultaneously showing H.W. speaking and joking, while a military transport arrived at Dover, disgorging flag-draped caskets.<\/p>\n When the ban was imposed in 1991, then-Senator Joe Biden, who represented Delaware, objected, calling it \u201cshameful that soldiers’ remains were being snuck back into the country under the cover of night.”<\/p>\n The Bush-era ban was, in one sense, ironic. Photos of dead soldiers and flag-draped coffins, and media coverage of military funerals, have long been used as propaganda tools to inflame public opinion against an enemy and to justify wars. And one might have expected George H.W. and George W. Bush to use those props to pimp their own military adventures. That they took the opposite tack\u2014to cover up the casualties of war\u2014might seem out of character, except for the lessons they and their advisers apparently took from Vietnam-era news coverage. For years, the conservative party line has been that the news media \u201clost\u201d Vietnam for America. Of course, that\u2019s not true: it was America\u2019s failed policies\u2014military, political and diplomatic\u2014that created the Vietnam debacle. But there\u2019s no doubt that prime-time coverage of wounded, dying and dead soldiers in the field and in caskets helped turn public opinion against that war.<\/p>\n In fact, images from Dover are considered so powerful that in the 1990s, politicians and generals began using the phrase \u201cthe Dover test\u201d to assess whether Americans support a war or other military action by public reaction to returning war casualties.<\/p>\n And thus was born the Dover media blackout. Its birth and nearly two-decade life infuriated the press, many politicians, anti-war activists and even some military families. The news media filed and lost a first-amendment challenge to the ban, but in 2005, a Freedom of Information Act challenge forced the release of hundreds of images taken by the military\u2019s own photographers. Unfortunately, the FOIA challenge resulted in an unexpected consequence: Realizing that, under FOIA, \u201cit had no basis to withhold its own images<\/a>, the military stopped taking photos documenting the return of fallen soldiers.\u201d<\/p>\n